The Case for Proportional Representation


Twentieth-century American philosopher Robert Hutchins once stated, “The death of democracy is not likely to be an assassination from ambush. It will be a slow extinction from apathy, indifference, and undernourishment.” To much disappointment, political apathy has become the norm over decades. This isn’t the fault of the electorate, but rather a failure of the current electoral system. Which leads to the question: Is first-past-the-post the most representative option for Ontario and Canada at large?

A. Background: First-Past-the-Post and Proportional Representation

First, it's necessary to explain what our current electoral system is. At every level of government in Canada, we use first-past-the-post (FPTP). Federally, Canada is divided into 343 ridings that each elect one member of parliament. In each riding, the candidate with the majority of votes, no matter how slim, becomes the representative for that electoral district. The other votes essentially count for nothing, and this mechanism is exactly what allows for a single party to form a majority government while not having a majority of the vote share. 

On the other hand, proportional representation (PR) is a framework that ensures the composition of parliament reflects the overall vote share each political party receives. If a party gets 50% of the vote, that should be exactly reflected in the legislature.

It's important to mention that there are various types of proportional representation. To start, mixed member proportional (MMP) is a system in which voters get two votes. One vote to decide on a representative for their riding, while the other is for a political party. The official elected as a local representative is chosen through first-past-the-post. MMP was the electoral system decided on by the Citizen's Assembly of Electoral Reform in Ontario. The other prominent variation is single transferrable vote (STV), essentially the same as the ranked ballot system used in the nomination and leadership contests held within political parties. STV allows for voters to rank their choices in order, from one, two, and three. STV was decided on as the most preferable electoral system by the Citizen's Assembly on Electoral Reform in British Columbia.

Additionally, there are multiple formulas used to calculate seats in democracies that have proportional representation. These include the Sainte-Luge method, the D'Hondt method, and the Hare quota. For the purposes of this brief, the hare quota is our formula of choice. The formula for the Hare quota follows: total votes divided by total seats. Whereas, total votes equal the total number of unspoiled ballots cast in an election, divided by the total number of seats in the legislature.

B. The Result: Voter Apathy & Manufactured Majorities

The issue of electoral reform is intimately tied with voter turnout. Statistics from the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance show that voter turnout in OECD countries is highest amongst Sweden, Denmark, New Zealand, Iceland, the Netherlands, Norway, and Germany. Alongside being part of the highest-income countries with developed democracies, these nations all have proportional representation as their chosen electoral system. Effective electoral systems prevent disenfranchisement for voters, as a study by the Pew Research Center finds 75% of Swedes being content with their democratic system.

The 2025 Ontario general election displays the disenfranchisement of voters, with a mere 45.4% of the electorate going to the polls. In total, 5,023,587 ballots were cast: 2,159,060 for the Progressive Conservatives, 1,505,093 with the Ontario Liberals, 931,016 went with the Ontario New Democrats, and 242,320 chose the Green Party of Ontario. Within our current system, that gave the PC’s 80 seats, the OLP 14, the ONDP 27, and the GPO 2. Meaning, without a majority of votes, the PCs nearly won a super-majority in the Legislature. However, if those same results are used within a simple proportional representation system with a 4% threshold, as recommended by FairVote Canada, the outcomes are drastically different. The PCs would have 55 seats coming in with a minority government; the OLP would leave with 38, becoming the official opposition; the ONDP would have 24 seats as the third party; and the GPO would have 6 seats, tripling their caucus. Using this framework, voters can have their voices heard and have a legislature that’s collaborative, grounded, and open to compromise.

C. The Solution: Legislative Mechanism

A common critique attributed to proportional representation is the link that gets removed between an elected official and their electoral district. But, mixed-member proportional representation solves these qualms. Thus, the Civic Clarity Foundation is a proponent of mixed member proportional representation to represent local interests while implementing proportional representation. The 2016 federal Special Committee on Electoral Reform report stands as another champion of MMP.

Federally, the piece of legislation that guarantees elections are held under the first-past-the-post system is the Canada Elections Act. The entirety of the Canada Elections Act in its current state caters to the first-past-the-post system. Thus, to successfully achieve proportional representation, we urge the House of Commons to introduce amending legislation that replaces the relevant provisions in the Canada Elections Act S.C. 2000.

Provincially, the Ontario Election Act, R.S.O. 1990, c. E.6., governs provincial elections. As previously mentioned, we urge the Legislative Assembly of Ontario to introduce amending legislation that replaces relevant provisions in the act to successfully achieve proportional representation.

Following international best practices while keeping our Westminster system in mind, the example of New Zealand’s 1993 Electoral Act serves as an effective example for implementing proportional representation with mixed member representation. It’s important to note that the act followed a binding referendum on electoral reform.

D. Conclusion

The Civic Clarity Foundation believes that the best practice of mixed-member proportional representation as used in the highest-ranking democracies in the world is a key solution in working towards ending voter apathy, heightening voter turnout, and creating a true-to-life legislature.

Sincerely,
Rehan Mazid
Executive Director
Civic Clarity Foundation


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